A few late thoughts on the COP-15 Talks
As the UN Climate Talks wound down with little progress made to address the most unique of crises in this time of global crises, Bolivian President Evo Morales wondered aloud that “if the leaders of countries cannot arrive in an agreement, why don’t the peoples then decide together?”
Uncomplicated and to the point, President Morales effortlessly put his fingers on the main tension that plagued the COP 15 talks last month. Mr. Morales directly spoke to the conflict between the delegates in Copenhagen whose approaches to climate change tended to be gradual in nature, and those whose strategies in tackling climate change addressed the urgent nature of climate change.
One could assume that when Mr. Morales speaks about “the peoples” coming together, he is referring to that latter group, people like Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed. Long considered to be one of the international community’s most outspoken leaders in speaking about the devastating impacts of climate change, Mr. Nasheed’s message at Copenhagen was clear. If drastic steps are not taken to reduce carbon emissions in the near future, the Maldives population faces great danger. With 80% of its geographic territory resting three feet or less above sea level, the Maldives people will likely be part of an estimated 200 million environmental migrants by the year 2050.
A member of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS), the Maldives and the 41 other members of AOSIS delivered a clear, concise message in Copenhagen. They argued that while their environmental impact has been minimal, small states face disproportionate challenges in the face of increased carbon dioxide emissions into the Earth’s atmosphere by the world’s leading polluters.
“The peoples” also likely referred to vocal critics of the way that the talks were organized, such as Lumumba Stanislaus Di-Aping. Chairman of the Group of 77, a group of the world’s developing – and poorest – countries, Mr. Di-Aping responded furiously to a leaked draft of a text crafted by a group of individuals representing the US, UK, and Denmark and other developed – and wealthiest – countries known as “the Danish text.” Mr. Di-Aping, Sudanese by birth, reportedly reacted to a proposal that would grant $10 billion to Africa as part of the text by declaring that $10 billion “is not enough to buy us coffins.” He characterized the proposal as asking the G77 to “sign a suicide pact.”
Also seated at Mr. Morales’ hypothetical negotiating table would likely be young people. Arriving in Copenhagen with large numbers, youth delegations stepped to the forefront of the debate both inside and outside of the talks. Permitted entry into the Bella Center – where the talks themselves were held – young people made themselves extremely visible during the two week long event. Ascending on Copenhagen from every corner of the world, the young people in attendance had a simple, yet powerful message to their elders: their futures, and the future of unborn millions, were truly at stake in the negotiations.
The more than 1,000 young people attending the talks from over 100 countries gathered as part of an emerging international youth climate movement. Demanding an ambitious, binding, and equitable treaty following the conference, they injected the talks with a healthy amount of urgency.
Among the attendees at Mr. Morales’ alternative “peoples” conference would certainly include Morales’ longtime ally in the region, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.
Critical of the organizing of the conference, which saw developed nations meeting in closed door meetings at the expense of a more transparent approach to this worldwide problem, Mr. Chavez spoke eloquently to the COP 15 general assembly about the need to not only change the climate, but also about changing the system.
The system, Mr. Chavez argued, is one that precludes those most affected from the devastating effects of climate change from participating in the discussions to the degree that the world’s leading polluters control the conversation.
This gap in equitable participation is at the heart of climate justice, another theme from the talks more visible in civil society organizations rather than inside the conference itself. Climate justice is an approach to avoiding global climate catastrophe that pushes to strengthen the voices of affected people (indigenous people as well as people in developing nations in the global south living in areas that face an exponentially higher risk of displacement) in the dialogue surrounding climate change.
Unfortunately, the COP 15 talks ended with no binding treaty. Instead, the world is left with a vague accord that promises only the continuance of the same inadequate UN Convention on Climate Change. While more committed attempts to solve this most unique of global problems – one that truly requires an approach from the global community to identify itself as interconnected people rather than as competitors – were largely ignored, hope is not lost.
In the United States, a country that has arguably been the world’s leading stumbling block on the road to sustainable climate solutions, there has been slight progress. Last year, the House of Representative passed the first ever climate bill in American history. However, when it mattered most, the US again showed that it has much to learn from its less developed partners.
New alliances and voices from around the world were not only visible during the negotiations, but were audible as well. Delegates from historically underserved communities seized the opportunity to inform the world about the potentially devastating effects of climate change while collaborating together to magnify their intersecting struggle. Young people, people from Africa, South America, Asia and small island states were in many ways the focal point of the conference pushing solutions and proposals to literally save the human race from self-destruction. Indeed, this approach, moving towards international and equitable cooperation is no less than is needed at this point in our world’s history.
I wasn’t really looking forward to a deal in Copenhagen anyways. Once a treaty is in place, then “the environment” as a problem will be “solved” so far as states are concerned, and there is no more room for discussion, and it worried me, because I didn’t hear a single word about the problem of unending economic growth in a finite ecological context. Aside from what you’ve mentioned here (Chavez & Morales), where is the critique of capitalism? I also didn’t hear anything about a critique of the state as a source of environmental problems. My worry was that if there was a treaty in place, it would secure these issues in a silent realm, and anyone who sought to bring them up would be delegitimized as a cynic or nihilist or immature or ‘not a true progressive’. What do you think? Should the future of our planet be controlled by market technocrats?
Hi Hue,
I think you’re exactly right. Citing what he had heard outside of the conference in Copenhagen’s streets, Chavez spoke to the link between market solutions to climate change and the destruction of the planet, saying “Let’s not change the climate, let’s change the system! And consequently we will begin to save the planet. Capitalism is a destructive development model that is putting an end to life; it threatens to put a definitive end to the human species.” I think this speaks to your last question, should the future of our planet be controlled by market technocrats? Not if we are concerned about the future of the human race. The future of the planet should be in our hands, the hands of the “peoples” that Morales spoke about, those with the most stake in the future of the planet.
I do, however, disagree with your critique that it is the state that is the source of environmental problems. More than simply THE state, global environmental devastation can be tracked to a group of states that have historically pillaged the finite resources of the planet, mainly Western Europe, Canada, the United States, and more recently states (exerting their right to develop) such as China, and India. It is not simply the state as a whole, but a collection of states whose economic interests lie in preserving the system in place.
My worry isn’t that we could have a treaty in place, but that were there to be a treaty in place it would simply be an iteration of the Kyoto Protocol, with leading emitters of CO2 ignoring it.
Have you read Fidel Castro’s article out this week called “Half a Century Later?” There are some great parts in it about COP15, as well as the future of the planet. Check it out! I’d like to see your reaction.
http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/23586
I wouldn’t say that states are THE source of environmental problems, but they are definitely serious barriers to meaningful change. Just as an example, the municipal government in my hometown prevents people from planting urban gardens, which in my view are a crucial means of starting to reduce emissions and alienation immediately and empower people in their communities. But, people (I’m talking from personal experience here) are prevented from gardening in urban spaces, upon penalty of hefty fines. There are also bylaws against composting and all manners of good environmental practice. This is a local-level example. Larger scale would be the protection that the state (provincial and national) affords to logging companies in our area on the West Coast of Canada, opening up public wildlands for logging of old growth forests. Probably THE example is Canada’s protection of the Tar Sands. In this sense, the state is definitely a huge barrier to environmental change, not only as a source (in the contemporary) of domination and oppression of people.
I haven’t read that article, but when I do I will post a response!